I remembered then that he had once been accused of irreverence toward the gods, and I wondered from whence came that posthumous and naturally artificial indignation. I forgot—I, a devotee of Greek! And I almost did not have time to make that observation, because Alcibiades, stopping suddenly, declared that he would go to the ball with me. I was terrified, told him no, that it was impossible, they wouldn't let him in dressed like that; he would look like a madman; unless he wanted to go there to perform some comedy by Aristophanes, I added, laughing to disguise my fear.
What I wanted was to leave him there, entrust the house to him, and once in the street, I wouldn't go to the Casino, I would go to speak with Your Excellency. But there was no swaying the devil of a man; he listened to me with his gaze on the floor, pensive, deliberate.
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I stopped talking; I began to worry that the form would vanish, and that I would be alone with my trousers, my shoes, and my century. In all certainty, I should have the supreme honor, a feeling of great pride, in taking to the Casino the most genteel, the most charming of Athenians; but the other men of today, the youths, the young women, the old people. It's impossible.
Those clothes. Clothing changes. I shall go in the apparel of this century. Have you no clothes to lend me? I was about to say no; but then it occurred to me that the most urgent thing was to leave, and that once in the street there would be no lack of means for me to escape him, so I told him yes. I ask only that you dress first, so I can learn to imitate you afterward. I too rose and asked him to accompany me. He did not immediately move; he was startled. I saw that only then had he noticed my white trousers; he looked at them, wide-eyed, his mouth open. Finally, he asked why I was wearing those cloth tubes.
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For greater comfort, I answered; I added that our century, more reserved and practical than artistic, had decided to dress in a manner compatible with its decorum and seriousness. Further, not everyone would be an Alcibiades. I believe that I flattered him thereby; he smiled and shrugged his shoulders. We went to my dressing room and I began to change clothes, quickly. Alcibiades sat down slowly on a divan, not without praising it, not without praising the mirror, the wicker, the paintings.
I dressed, as I say, quickly, anxious to make my way out to the street and clamber into the first tilbury that came by. These were the black trousers that I had just put on. He exclaimed and laughed, a cynical laugh in which surprise mingled with mockery, greatly offending my sensitivity as a modern man. Because, Your Excellency will note, although to us our times may seem deserving of criticism, even of execration, we dislike it when an ancient ridicules them to our face. I did not respond to the Athenian; I frowned slightly and went on buttoning my suspenders. He then asked me for what reason I wore such an ugly color.
But the art of dress is different. That which appears absurd or graceless is perfectly rational and beautiful—beautiful in our way, for we do not take to the streets to hear rhapsodes recite their verses, nor orators their speeches, nor philosophers their philosophies. You yourself, if you become accustomed to the sight, will in the end find us to your liking, because—".
Synonyms and antonyms of guisso in the Portuguese dictionary of synonyms
Before I could understand the cause of his cry and his act, I was left without a drop of blood. The cause was an illusion. As I had run the cravat around my neck and was trying to tie the knot, Alcibiades thought I was going to hang myself, as he later confessed. And, truth be told, I was pale, trembling, in a cold sweat. Now it was I who laughed. I laughed, and explained the use of the cravat, noting that it was white, not black, as we also wore black cravats. Only after all of this was explained to him did he consent to return it to me.
I finally knotted it and donned my vest. You are the color of night—a night with but three stars," he continued, pointing to my buttons. We were happier; we lived—". Use of the material from the Repository The Material from the Repository can be accessed and downloaded freely. ECLAC can add, change or update material from the repository without prior notice. Print copies, if available, can be ordered from publicaciones cepal. General La CEPAL se reserva el derecho exclusive de modificar, alterar, limitar o cancelar el Repositorio y cualquier material que contenga.
Para citar o referenciar Para citar o referenciar los enlaces de los documentos de la CEPAL, utilice el enlace permanente o URI que se indica en la ficha de registro del documento en el Repositorio Digital. Search Repository. Login Register. Two other works of Villena's include Petrarchan borrowings: the Tratado del aojamiento quotes the opening words of De Vita solitaria :. The 'vos' addressed by Villena in the Tratado del aojamiento is Santillana, whose library has been studied in detail by Mario Schiff.
The impact of the Italian sonnet-writers, and especially of Petrarch's Canzoniere , on Santillana's work is well known; the influence of the Trionfi on his allegorical poems is a matter of dispute, not directly relevant to this study; but the influence of Petrarch's Latin works on the Marquis's poetry, if there was any influence, is a question which has never been properly investigated. It is clear from the Proemio and from the manuscripts possessed by Santillana that he was fully aware of Petrarch's reputation as a Latin writer, though the failure to mention De Remediis, De Viris illustribus , and De Vita solitaria may mean that these works were incorporated in the library some time after , which would greatly narrow the range of poems they might have influenced.
There is a further piece of evidence, considerably earlier than the Proemio : in his poem on the death of Villena, Santillana makes the Muses lament that they have been robbed of their last champion:. Santillana must have had in mind the extent to which Villena had acted as his literary guide, introducing him to both classical and Italian writers. This is Bias contra Fortuna , whose fuller title, as given in the prose introduction, is said by Farinelli to be a reference to De Remediis :. His view, though supported with considerably more detail by Lapesa, seems to me a mistaken one.
The particular Petrarchan source put forward by Lapesa is De Remediis , ii. There are some passages in Bias which distantly recall Petrarch, but no part of the poem can safely be said to derive from De Remediis. Thus, although Boccaccio's Latin works affect the content of Santillana's poetry, 53 Petiarch's do not, and we are reminded once more that diffusion is not the same thing as influence.
This is perhaps the most engagingly circumspect reference to Petrarch in all Spanish literature, and Diego de Burgos does not, when he makes Petrarch himself speak in praise of Santillana, reveal any closer acquaintance with the works of the man whose prestige he invokes. This has, however, taken us too far chronologically: some time before Santillana's death Alfonso de Cartagena had established contact with Italian humanists. Luna was obviously aware of Petrarch's reputation as the author of De Viris illustribus , but whether his comment implies any further knowledge can only be a matter of conjecture, while his debt to Boccaccio's De Claris Mulieribus is evident.
Luna's supporter Juan de Mena seems, rather surprisingly for so erudite a man, unaffected by Petrarch. The second reference implies no special knowledge of Petrarch's works: knowledge of his coronation was widespread, and was perpetuated in the phrase 'famoso orador e poeta laureado' which, with its variants, is so often applied to him in manuscripts and early editions.
Alfonso de Madrigal, known as el Tostado d.
This should serve as yet another reminder of how careful we must be in interpreting references to Fortune or even to books called Remedios contra Fortuna as references to Petrarch: had Seneca's name been omitted, the proximity of this passage to the mention of De Vita solitaria would have made it natural to suppose that another reference to Petrarch was intended.
In each case the Archpriest uses the familiar medieval technique of quoting a sententia from a recognized auctor in support of his argument. Juan de Flores, writing not long before Rojas, employs sententiae freely in some of the discussions which occur in his sentimental romance Grimalte y Gradissa. We have, however, no evidence that Rojas knew Grimalte y Gradissa , though he may well have done so.
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The translation, prefaced by a dedicatory letter addressed to D. As we move westwards across the Peninsula, a general interest in Petrarch becomes later and less intense.
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Castile lags behind Catalonia, and Portugal lags behind Castile. Thus any knowledge of Petrarch on his part is not necessarily significant for Portuguese literature. As the recipient of Santillana's Proemio , Pedro was certain to be familiar with at least the name of Petrarch; and he did in fact own at least one Petrarchan manuscript, though we do not know its title, and Farinelli believes that he owned another three, but the evidence does not support this.
There is no sign that Pedro has been influenced by the Secretum , but there is a fairly clear allusion to De Vita solitaria :. It seems, too, that the organization of the poem is affected by a knowledge of De Remediis. De contempto del mundo , then, shows probable familiarity with De Vita solitaria , and possibly with De Ocio Religiosorum , and its structure is profoundly affected by De Remediis.
The fourth prosa of the Tragedia coincides at two points with the second section of De Remediis , ii. Both authors stress that birth implies death, and that the virtues of the dead are like sons who live after them. But the most important Petrarchan influence on Dom Pedro is obviously to be found in De contempto. An even stronger influence is exerted by De Vita solitaria on the anonymous Boosco deleitoso. One of the characters of the Portuguese work is Dom Francisco i. Petrarch , and a good deal of the Petrarchan material is put into his mouth. Another anonymous work, possibly by the same author as the Boosco deleitoso , also draws on De Vita solitaria , though in a much more restricted way: this is the Horto do Esposo :.
E Celestino foy levado a Roma e fecto papa, mais depois diz Francisco Patriarcha renunciou o papado E diz mais Francisco hermitam e grande poeta: Quanto foy triste e contra sua vontade deste Celestino sobre a alteza da dignida de do papado.
Ca eu ouvy contar aaquelles que o virom, que elle fugio da dignidade con tanto prazer By no means all of the late medieval Hispanic writers who have been said to show the influence of Petrarch's Latin works prove, on closer examination, to do so, but influence can be established in sufficient cases to show that a habit of referring to, and of using, Petrarch had grown up in the Peninsula. He was used on the whole in a strongly medieval way, but he was used; the precedent was there.
This went hand in hand with a wide diffusion of Petrarchan manuscripts. Those to which an individual fifteenth century ownership can be ascribed are mentioned above; unfortunately, most of them can no longer be traced, but a number are extant whose early history is obscure, and some of these are described in Appendix I. Several Petrarchan manuscripts were lost in the fire which damaged the Escorial library in , but the survival of an Indice general , compiled at the end of the sixteenth century, enables us to know which they were: De Remediis, De Viris illustribus two copies, one with some letters , De Ocio Religiosorum , and a Life of Petrarch with a summary of Africa.
If these are taken in conjunction with the manuscripts described in Appendix I, it will be seen that a wide range of Petrarch's works circulated in Spain before the composition of La Celestina , though the circulation of some was clearly restricted. Such manuscripts began to be copied in the fourteenth century, but the vast majority date from the fifteenth; this is, of course, consistent with the literary influence which the works had. There is one apparent inconsistency: the scarcity of manuscripts in Catalan libraries when contrasted with the strong and early Petrarchan influence on Catalan literature.
This certainly happened with the Escorial's extant manuscript of De Viris illustribus , 87 and one may suspect that it happened on other occasions. The paucity of manuscripts in Portugal is not so surprising, though here as everywhere else it must be remembered that many libraries, especially small ones, have no printed catalogues, that some catalogues are incomplete, and that permission to work in some libraries is difficult or impossible to obtain.
It would thus be extremely rash to base any far-reaching conclusions on the precise numbers of manuscripts in particular areas, or on those of particular works. Nevertheless, a comparison of numbers may be enlightening. If the manuscripts of Petrarch's Latin works known to have been in the library of the Aragonese kings at Naples are included, and if no account is taken of possible overlapping in one or two cases, 74 manuscripts are referred to above or described in Appendix I; or, more strictly, there are 74 Petrarchan or pseudo-Petrarchan works, since occasionally one manuscript contains more than one work.
Some of these figures call for comment. Africa is often only a fragment in a miscellany, and outside Catalonia its diffusion is restricted and its literary influence small. De Rebus memorandis and Bucolicum Carmen , on the other hand, are represented by only one manuscript each, though their popularity and influence are rather greater than this figure would suggest. But the most striking fact is the predominance of the essentially medieval works: De Remediis, De Vita solitaria whose praise of solitude is that of the medieval ascetic and hermit, as the author of the Boosco deleitoso recognized , and De Viris illustribus typical of the potted history combined with moral exempla which was so popular in the later Middle Ages.
The position in Spain does not differ radically from that in England or France. By the beginning of the sixteenth century French libraries seem to have had far more manuscripts of De Remediis than of any other Petrarchan work, with De Viris illustribus as the next most popular. Other works, however, circulated from an early date: Daudin cites Bucolicum Carmen in the prologue to his translation, and Pierre Bersuire d. It is not, however, until the following century that Petrarch is often interpreted in a humanistic way. In England, too, manuscripts of De Remediis predominate, one being copied in this country towards the end of the fourteenth century.
De Vita solitaria , the Secretum , and the letters seem to have been more popular than in France, and De Viris illustribus less so. The most notable early Petrarchan collection was in the library of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester d. But here, as in Spain and France, it is Petrarch the medieval auctor, not Petrarch the humanist, who is read and respected. Thomas Bekynton ? Although there are considerable divergences of detail some of them perhaps due to the different methods followed by investigators of Petrarch's influence in France and in England the general pattern which emerges in these two countries corresponds fairly closely to that found in Spain.
And in each case De Remediis , presenting Petrarch as a moral philosopher, is the dominant work. Both of these main features will be found to apply also to La Celestina. Most of my information is taken from this, but the following works also contribute details: Willard Fiske, op. There is no work on English Petrarchism equivalent to Simone's, but a great deal of information is to be found in Roberto Weiss, Humanism in England during the Fifteenth Century 2nd ed.
See also Cambridge History of English Literature , i. Wright, op. Fernando de Rojas is linked in two ways with the Spanish writers discussed in Chapter I: the name of Petrarch is almost the first thing to catch the eye when one opens La Celestina , and it recurs in the inventory of books attached to Rojas's will. This second group includes, besides forty-three legal works, five non-legal ones in Latin, so that Libros de leyes was clearly, in this case, a general term for books which would not, because of either their language or their subject, interest the widow.
It may be noted in passing that few, if any, of Rojas's books were manuscripts. Three collected editions had appeared before the inventory was made: Basel , Venice , and Venice ; and since to anticipate the remainder of this chapter Rojas used the Basel Opera , this edition seems the most likely to have been in his library. It contains a large number of the Latin works, and ends with an index to the sententiae and exempla contained in the volume. The inclusion of such an index in the first edition of the Opera was natural, in view of the prestige which Petrarch had acquired as an auctor of moral philosophy, and in view of the medieval tendency to collect sententiae , to arrange them in alphabetical order, and even to play a kind of parlour game with them.
It is mainly a list of sententiae , each one followed by a reference to the text, but it also serves as an index to the exempla contained in the works, though these usually appear in a much abbreviated form. Some chapter headings are also included; here, as with the exempla , the Principalium sententiarum Annotatio begins to resemble a modern index, but it does not seem that it was meant to serve primarily as a guide to the text, especially as such a guide was provided by the lists of contents prefixed to most of the works in the volume.
It could, from all appearances, be used independently of the text, and most medieval readers would have seen nothing remarkable in such a use. Since the art of indexing was at that time in a rudimentary state, mistakes and inconsistencies are fairly frequent: the order is not strictly alphabetical for example, entries on liberalitas are inserted among those on libertas , wrong references to the text are sometimes given, the use of 'ibid.
Not all the works were suitable for representation here and Bucolicum Carmen and Septem Psalmi poenitentiales have no entries at all. The three works which bulk most largely in the text De Remediis utriusque Fortunae, De Rebus memorandis , and De Rebus familiaribus occupy an even greater proportion of the index: over three-quarters of the entries refer to these three works. Apart from these, De Vita solitaria, Contra Medicum , and perhaps Epistolae sine Titulo are quite well represented, though they are more narrowly specialized works than the preceding three, and thus less likely to be consulted for sententiae of general interest.
It is now necessary to consider two questions, the first of which has already received Castro Guisasola's attention. If it was used, was it used independently or in conjunction with the text? Because of the textual history of the work and the controversies about its authorship, these questions must be answered separately for Act I, for Acts II-XVI of the original version, and for the new material first interpolated in the editions. In Act I there are three possible borrowings; in two of them the verbal resemblance between Petrarch and La Celestina is much too slight to stand as convincing proof, and in the third case Petrarch and the author of Act I have a common source in Seneca.
In striking contrast to this, Acts II-XVI of the original version contain fifty-three definite borrowings from this source, besides others which can be dismissed as too doubtful. This in itself would be only flimsy evidence of borrowing from the index rather than from the text, since all but one of the entries concerned also occur, naturally enough, in the text.
Proof is, however, supplied by the nine occasions on which Rojas borrows a group of sententiae or exempla which are consecutive in the index but not in the text of Petrarch's works. Similar, though less spectacular, cases of the same type are:.
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In the remaining cases, although the borrowings are not found together in La Celestina , it is still clear that the index, and not widely separated parts of the Petrarch text, is the source:. Amphion arbores et saxa cantu movisse perhibetur. Anacharsis philosophus urbium leges aranearum telis simillimas esse dicebat. Anaxagorae philosophi constantia in morte filii sui. In some of these cases the borrowed entries are near each other in La Celestina without being consecutive; in other cases, two in a group of three are consecutive.
From these nine groups of borrowings it is clear that Rojas used the index, and this conclusion is supported by twenty-eight other individual borrowings. Among the definite borrowings, six, or perhaps seven, are supplemented from the text and there are three cases in which entries not consecutive in the index but consecutive in the Petrarch text are used by Rojas.
To the entry on adolescentia given above, the text adds. The consecutive entries on Amphion, Anacharsis, and Anaxagoras all seem to have been used as starting-points from which Rojas went on to borrow from the text, though this is not certain in the second case:. In these three cases dependence on the index as primary source is rather more doubtful than in the others, but the use of consecutive entries furnishes fairly strong, evidence, despite the large additions from the text.
The entry Pauli Aemilii constantia is also suplemented from the text:. However, the entry on Anaxagoras is consecutive with two others which are borrowed see above. This indicates that the first impression was made by the index, and that consultation of the text came later, when the other two exempla would be added, the Anaxagoras entry leading to that of Xenophon, and Aemilius Paulus to Pericles these form pairs of consecutive sections in the text. A less extensive addition, and one without such perplexing implications, is made to the entry Nemo tam senex qui non possit annum vivere :.
The other case in which an addition appears to have been made is in the exemplum of Adelecta: La Celestina says dos fijos , though the number is mentioned only in the Petrarch text, and not in the index. Nothing else is added from the text, however, and it is possible that Rojas already knew the story, was merely reminded of the outlines by the index entry, and was able to supply the number from memory.
At the most, there are eight cases of Rojas's having used the index as a guide to the text when writing the sixteen-act version of La Celestina , while there are forty-five cases in which he uses it in isolation. Thus it was, on the whole, used independently, in the customary medieval way, as an autonomous list of sententiae. He has not in this instance developed an attitude to Petrarch which would distinguish him from those writers whose use of Petrarch is discussed in Chapter I. The index is as much a source in its own right as are any of Petrarch's Latin works. The enlarged version of La Celestina adds material equal to roughly a quarter of the original length.
In it there are seventeen definite borrowings from the index, and the evidence is of the same nature as before. The interpolations are, of course, more fragmentary than the original text, and this makes the use of consecutive groups of entries perhaps rather less likely. Only one such group is, in fact, to be found:. In addition, there are fourteen other definite individual borrowings.
Ulyxes ut militiam subterfugeret et regnaret amentiam simulavit. Ulyxes vero ut militiam subterfugeret et regnaret: atque Itachae viveret ociose cum parentibus cum uxore cum filio simulavit amentiam De Rebus memorandis , Here again, independent use predominates, to an even more marked extent than in the original edition. It is now possible to consider in what way, if at all, the borrowings are selective: whether Rojas shows any preference among Petrarch's works, among sections of the index, or among themes dealt with there.
The predominance of De Remediis, De Rebus memorandis , and De Rebus familiaribus both in the text of the Opera and in the index makes it natural for them to provide the bulk of the borrowings. In the additions the three largest works have 5, 4, and 6 borrowings respectively almost the same proportion as before , while Contra Medicum and the Secretum have I each. Of the fifty-three definite borrowings made in the sixteen-act version, no fewer than thirty-four come from the 'A' section of the index -a section which occupies less than 12 per cent.
Some explanation is provided by the themes dealt with under 'A': adversitas, amor , and amicitia would attract Rojas. Yet these themes account for only sixteen of the borrowings, the remainder being distributed among fourteen other themes. The most probable solution to the problem is that Rojas was familiar with the index for some time before he began to write La Celestina , and that he was specially interested by what Petrarch had to say on adversity, love, and friendship. If we narrow adversity down to its extreme form, death, we have three of the chief themes of La Celestina.
This would lead him to consult the 'A' section more frequently, and would thus make him familiar with the sight of the other 'A' entries. The question of which themes are most used by Rojas is linked to the preceding one, since the attention paid to adversitas , amor , and amicitia has already been considered.
Thirty-six themes have ten or more entries each, but seven of these are proper names. Of the remaining twenty-nine, twenty are neglected in the borrowings, although several of them, notably avaricia , are favourite themes in La Celestina. It was to him simply a convenient, and largely autonomous, summary. It was a literary work like any other, and therefore just as worthy of credence and of the tribute of direct borrowing. This colophon is followed by the Principalium sententiarum Annotatio , at the end of which there is no further colophon. Small folio.
Another edition with an index was printed before the Celestina appeared: the two-volume Opera , Venice, Signed: 4 , 8 , 6 , 8 , 10 , 6 , 6 , 8 , 24 6.
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There is no index to this volume. The index in volume I is a somewhat inferior reprint of the index to the Basel Opera , ignoring the works incorporated for the first time in the Venice Opera , omitting five entries,. These were later supplemented by reference to British Museum I.
A tentative re-examination of the problem was published by me in BHS , xxxi , , and I am grateful to the Editor, Professor A. Sloman, for permission to include parts of it here. But the main lines of argument developed there -the index's importance as a source, its normal use by Rojas as an autonomous work, and its value as evidence for Rojas's authorship of the additions- remain unaffected. It would be as well to explain here the criteria which I have adopted in deciding whether a borrowing comes from the index or from the text of Petrarch.